The decade of the 1990s has seen a profound transformation in the international security environment. The seeds of the Cold War had already been sown when India became independent 50 years ago. In the following decades, the Cold War became the predominant motif as countries sought to pursue their national security through competing military alliances. India, which had achieved independence through a non-violent struggle that is unique in history, was determined to protect its independence in thought and action. This search for independence led us, in a logical manner, to the concept of non-alignment. Yet, there is no doubt that with the major powers engaged in an ideological conflict, the Cold War cast a shadow on international trends and developments. Multilateral institutions set up after the Second World War to help create a democratic and equitable world order, based on collective security, were often paralysed by the rivalry between USA and former USSR.

Today, the Cold War has ended. We are no longer faced with two opposing military alliances with their gigantic nuclear arsenals in a state of high alert. The threat perceptions of the North Atlantic Treaty Organisation (NATO) and Warsaw Pact forces as implacable adversaries, seen through an ideological prism, are a thing of the past. As profound changes have occurred between two former adversaries, there is hope that multilateral institutions like the UN would be revitalised to assume the mantle of collective security. New regional organizations, such as the OSCE and the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) Regional Forum have emerged. Existing organizations like NATO also are seeking to redefine their role in trying to tackle existing and future challenges. This, we hope, is reflective of a new and cooperative spirit.

It is natural that India's immediate neighbourhood should be a major priority in India's security considerations. A peaceful and constructive environment in our neighbourhood is vital for all of us if we are to achieve accelerated development for ourselves and for the region as a whole. The South Asian region accounts for roughly one fourth of all humanity. If this region is to establish its rightful place in the community of nations, cooperation and mutual goodwill have to be firmly established as the basis of intra-South Asian relations. Given India's size and situation, it is natural for us to take the initiative in building up confidence and establishing cooperation in all facets of our relationships.

The security of a home lies not in the bricks and mortar used in its construction but, in the ultimate analysis, depends upon the goodwill and amity of its inhabitants. India's foreign policy, specially in the neighbourhood context, reflects this simple reality.

The "Gujral doctrine", as it has come to be termed, is based on five simple principles. First, with its neighbours like Bangladesh, Bhutan, Maldives, Nepal and Sri Lanka, India does not ask for reciprocity, but gives and accommodates what it can in good faith and trust. Second, we believe that no South Asian country should allow its territory to be used against the interests of another country of the region. Third, that none should interfere in the internal affairs of another. Fourth, all South Asian countries must respect each other's territorial integrity and sovereignty. And finally, they should settle all their disputes through peaceful bilateral negotiations. These few simple ideas, if implemented, will result in a positive impact on the security situation in our region and a fundamental recasting of South Asia's regional relationships and our role in the world.

India has already established that it is ready to go the extra mile to inspire confidence and generate momentum towards a new partnership in South Asia and it is apparent that we have already achieved substantial success with this approach.

We have recently discussed and implemented new and significant initiatives with Nepal, Bhutan and Bangladesh which are steering our relations to higher levels of cooperation. The treaty on sharing of Ganga waters has established a landmark in our relations with Bangladesh, and opened up new vistas of constructive collaboration in all areas of our interaction. It is a matter of pride that this treaty has been welcomed, not only in India and Bangladesh, but the world over, and is a clear demonstration of what can be achieved with sincerity and a sense of purpose. In time, we expect that the entire eastern regions of the subcontinent, including Nepal, Bhutan, Bangladesh and India would see a surge of development through cooperation in the areas of transport, energy development, water management, etc.

Likewise with Sri Lanka, from where I have just returned, we have expressed our desire to assist, without being intrusive, in an early settlement of the conflict in that country. Such an outcome would have beneficial results for India and the entire region. We would like the Palk Straits to become a gateway for peaceful commerce and communication among our people. We should dream of once again making the maritime frontier, which India and Sri Lanka share, an area of peace, and then take up collaborative ventures for advanced research and exploitation of ocean resources. Situated as we both are at the centre of the Indian Ocean, our maritime interests are close and intertwined. Together with the Maldives, our partner in the South Asian Association for Regional Cooperation (SAARC), we can explore possibilities to turn this region into a prosperous growth area. Our friendship will also provide an anchor for the security and prosperity of the Indian Ocean region.

With regard to Pakistan, you would be aware of the offer of a dialogue we made to Pakistan soon after our government took office. Even while we are awaiting Pakistan's response, we are taking unilateral steps to improve the relationship at the people--to-people level. We are also trying to preserve a positive atmosphere, by avoiding polemic and ignoring the occasional hostile rhetoric from across the border.

Beyond the immediate South Asian SAARC neighbourhood lies what I call an extended, even proximate neighbourhood, which is of great significance to India. Central Asia, for example, is one such area. This region straddles some of the world's richest known deposits of hydrocarbon resources. We have responded to the need to build enduring partnerships with the countries of this region by setting up missions in all these countries to promote political, economic and technical cooperation. The inadequacy of direct surface access to this region is, of course, a problem, but we are addressing this through a trilateral understanding with Iran and Turkmenistan.

Developments on the security front in Central Asia, too, are a concern for us. We are watching the developments in Afghanistan, and our earnest desire is for an end to external interference in that country, followed by a return to peace.

Many of you would also be aware of the expanding relations between India and the ASEAN countries. Our Sectoral Dialogue Partnership was upgraded last year to Full Dialogue Partner status.

India also became a member of the ASEAN Regional Forum (ARF) on this occasion. The ARE is a post-Cold War institution where countries with different political and economic structures, varying size and military strengths, are present. This group does not reflect a military alliance but is motivated by the idea that despite the diversity, measures should be pursued collectively which will enhance the security of each one of its members, and the region as a whole. I myself had the pleasure of sensing the growing climate of collaboration and trust when I visited Jakarta in July '96 for the Post-Ministerial Conference. I was happy to see that there was a recognition of India as a key factor of stability and economic dynamism in the Asian region.

By virtue of its geographical position, India has a natural interest in maintaining the Indian Ocean as a region free from military rivalries. The Indian Ocean Rim Initiative with which we have been associated since its inception, aims at bringing together countries with a shared objective. The first meeting of the Indian Ocean Rim Association for Regional Cooperation is slated to take place in Mauritius in March this year and we hope to discuss all issues of mutual concern, especially the potential for greater economic and commercial cooperation. At present, diversity makes it difficult to consider tackling military threats to security. However, a beginning has been made by instituting dialogue and consultation, and this will give greater content to relations among the India Rim countries.

In this period of significant change, where we are trying to transform the politico-economic face of our region, the concept of security has to be viewed afresh. Security can no longer be visualised in narrow military terms. Today, it calls for interdependence among all countries in the world, to tackle non conventional and non-military threats arising out of international terrorism, narcotics, ethnic conflicts, fundamentalism, environmental pollution, natural disasters, etc., all of which impinge upon the overall security of nations. A redefinition of old concepts requires new thinking and fresh approaches, if we are to successfully deal with the challenges posed by an uncertain future. More so, there is a growing realisation that what is needed is a collective approach, based upon cooperation rather than competition and confrontation.

Nowhere is this more valid than in the area of nuclear disarmament. We are told that the US and the Russian Federation no longer target their missiles at each other. Yet, there is a reluctance to accept the notion that elimination of nuclear weapons is the only practical and lasting way to deal with the scourge of nuclear proliferation, as well as to enhance global security. The acceptance of the philosophy of interdependence and collective security has been successful in dealing with biological and chemical weapons, and we see no reason why it cannot be used to rid the world of the nuclear shadow.

Last year, the Comprehensive Test Ban Treaty (CTBT) was concluded after two and a half years of intensive negotiations. It is a source of great disappointment to us that India, which had made the first call for ending nuclear testing in 1954, was unable to subscribe to the treaty because of its fundamental shortcomings. The CTBT, as it has emerged, is no longer linked to the process of nuclear disarmament. Further, it only prohibits nuclear explosion testing and therefore, cannot be described as a comprehensive treaty that would ban all kinds of nuclear testing whether based on explosions or other techniques.

We are not simplistic enough to call for nuclear disarmament to be achieved overnight. Yet, we are also realistic enough to believe that the end of the Cold War offers us a unique opportunity to demonstrate our commitment to the goal of a nuclear weapon -free world. This commitment should be translated by commencing negotiations on a Nuclear Weapons Convention that would prohibit the development, deployment, production, stockpiling and transfer of nuclear weapons as also provide for their elimination within an agreed time frame. It is heartening to note that there is a growing interest in discussing these issues, particularly, the technical aspects relating to verification. These deliberations, presently being undertaken by non-governmental organizations, are welcome.

Confidence Building Measures (CBMs) are another important aspect of international security and need to be strengthened in order to reduce mistrust and allay apprehensions. These measures can take different forms. To begin with, political declarations are important but in the long run, these are not enough. Means of communication and dialogue have to be established in order to substantiate the political declarations. This implies a degree of transparency. Participation in global efforts like the UN Arms Register and regional initiatives about military information sharing, cooperation in region specific issues such as maritime security are potential areas for consideration. Once the channels of communication are established and confidence has been built up, discussions on regional defence issues become feasible.

The processes that I have identified are not new. We have seen that confidence building measures have been introduced and practiced in Europe during the last two decades. However, there is one fundamental difference. In the post-Cold War world, these confidence building measures have to be negotiated not among two alliances but among sovereign nations in a cooperative spirit. Every country will bring its own legitimate concerns to the negotiating table which will need to be addressed adequately. Unlike during the Cold War when such measures were seen in a bipolar context, today, confidence building has to be seen as an exercise in creating a pluralistic security order.

You would no doubt be aware that India has done a lot of work on instituting CBMs with both Pakistan and China. In fact, this was carried significantly forward in the case of China when their president visited us recently. I am sure that we can do more to build on the current achievements.

Such developments at a regional level do not diminish the emphasis on globalism which has been a cornerstone of India's foreign policy. It serves to complement the global approach in a manner that has become feasible with the end of the Cold War. Security concerns or threats have not disappeared. But today, we have more instruments and institutions available to us in order to deal with these concerns in a manner consistent with the traditional principles of Indian foreign policy. Perhaps it is easier for India to engage in such a dialogue with its various interlocutors compared to some other countries which have been members of military alliances during the Cold War. For them, a post-Cold War period requires major shifts in thinking. For us, it reflects a new opportunity and continuity.

I am confident that the dialogue which will take place in the next two days between USI and the Royal United Services Institute of UK will contribute to greater understanding and further our efforts in creating a pluralistic security order.