Tests do not contaminate
India's principles
Diplomat defends assertion of nuclear strength, commitment to nonnuclear
world
By Shiv Shankar Mukherjee
Minister of Press, Information, and Culture at the Indian Embassy
in Washington.
Boston Globe 05/24/98.
© Copyright 1998 Globe Newspaper Company.
In the flood of commentary following the underground nuclear tests
conducted this month, India has been accused of a range of
wrongdoings: destabilizing the region, fueling a nuclear arms race, breaking
international commitments, and dealing a death blow to the Comprehensive
Test Ban Treaty.
In this rush to judgment, it might help to sift through the hyperbole and
look
at some facts.
As the International Atomic Energy Agency in Vienna said in a public
statement, India has broken no international treaty or agreement in
conducting these tests. And, as a non-signatory to the Non-Proliferation
Treaty and the Test Ban Treaty, India is fully and legally entitled to
conduct
such tests.
India's track record in nuclear disarmament and the quest for a nuclear-free
world is second to none. It was Prime Minister Jawahar Lal Nehru who first
called for a test ban treaty in 1954. It is sometimes forgotten that India
was
originally a sponsor of the Non-Proliferation Treaty and the Test Ban Treaty,
and Indian representatives took the initiative in various international
forums,
including the Conference on Disarmament, in the quest for universal,
nondiscriminatory, and verifiable arrangements for the elimination of
weapons of mass destruction.
The reason India did not sign the Non-Proliferation Treaty and the Test
Ban
Treaty was because these treaties, as they finally emerged, were
discriminatory between the nuclear ''haves'' and ''have-nots,'' a situation
of
virtual nuclear apartheid.
India has always rejected the central feature of these flawed treaties:
that the
five declared nuclear powers could continue to possess nuclear weapons,
expand and refine their arsenals, while others could not.
Even so, India has always been clear that it would come on board the
Comprehensive Test Ban Treaty provided it also included a commitment,
including from the nuclear powers, to move toward nuclear disarmament
inside a reasonable time frame.
Indeed, such an intention was included in the Non-Proliferation Treaty
but
has been ignored by the nuclear powers. India demonstrated its nuclear
capability in 1974. It exercised restraint for 24 years by not carrying
out a
single test.
Instead of emulating this example, the world's nuclear stockpiles grew.
Pakistan, India's western neighbor that has been involved in hostilities
with
India three times, became a clandestine nuclear state and also embarked
on
an active missile program, both with assistance from China.
The Indian government's decision to conduct this limited series of tests
should be viewed in the context of the deteriorating security environment
in
our region, particularly the growing cooperation between China and Pakistan
on nuclear weapons and missile development, the continuing proliferation
of
nuclear weapons and delivery systems, and the lack of progress on global
nuclear disarmament.
As the Indian ambassador said in an interview, there was evidence that
our
neighbors viewed India's nuclear option, after 24 years of restraint, as
being
on artificial life support, an invitation to adventurism by those hostile
to
India's interests. These tests demonstrated that India's nuclear option
remains robust and credible. They also provide our scientists with data
for
computer-simulated and other tests. India has not ''weaponized.'' It has
demonstrated that it has the capability to do so.
The Indian government has committed itself to exercising the most stringent
control on the export of sensitive technologies and equipment. Further,
India's nuclear program is purely indigenous and has never involved
clandestine or irregular acquisition of technology or components from
abroad. Our track record on this has been impeccable.
All these facts are verifiable, as is the fact that India has been a democracy
for the 50 years since its independence. The decision to conduct the tests
is
a reflection of an overwhelming national will to live within secure borders,
and the government's desire to reassure its population on this score. It
would
be a mistake to dismiss the considered decision to test as a gimmick or
a
politically motivated action of the new government. Events have shown that
this action has been fully supported by the people of India.
Happily, not all commentators missed the mark, especially those whose
knowledge of India is not superficial. Richard Haass of the Brookings
Institution, an authority on South Asia, pointed out that ''what is at
stake here
are ties with a country with a billion people, a large and growing market
and
a robust democracy. Isolating India will not serve US economic or strategic
interests; nor would it weaken a government that has taken a step applauded
by most Indians who wonder why the world is prepared to live with China's
nuclear arsenals but not India's.''
India remains committed to a total and global elimination of nuclear
weapons, based on agreements that are nondiscriminatory, comprehensive,
and universal. India's adherence to the Chemical Weapons Convention and
Biological Weapons Convention is proof enough of its sincerity and
commitment in this regard. India has also indicated its willingness to
participate in the negotiations for the conclusion of a Fissile Material
Cut-off
Treaty in the Conference on Disarmament.
But above all, despite any anticipated international outcry or sanctions,
any
government in India must put its national security interests above all
other
considerations. A secure India, with a population that is not apprehensive
because of the weakness of India's defense, is a force for stability and
peace
in the region.
In addition, since the tests, India has formally announced a moratorium
on
nuclear testing and said it would join talks toward a Comprehensive Test
Ban Treaty. |