Tests do not contaminate India's principles 
Diplomat defends assertion of nuclear strength, commitment to nonnuclear world 
By Shiv Shankar Mukherjee 
Minister of Press, Information, and Culture at the Indian Embassy in Washington. 
Boston Globe 05/24/98. 
© Copyright 1998 Globe Newspaper Company. 

 

                  In the flood of commentary following the underground nuclear tests 
                  conducted this month, India has been accused of a range of
                  wrongdoings: destabilizing the region, fueling a nuclear arms race, breaking 
                  international commitments, and dealing a death blow to the Comprehensive 
                  Test Ban Treaty. 

                  In this rush to judgment, it might help to sift through the hyperbole and look 
                  at some facts. 

                  As the International Atomic Energy Agency in Vienna said in a public 
                  statement, India has broken no international treaty or agreement in 
                  conducting these tests. And, as a non-signatory to the Non-Proliferation 
                  Treaty and the Test Ban Treaty, India is fully and legally entitled to conduct 
                  such tests. 

                  India's track record in nuclear disarmament and the quest for a nuclear-free 
                  world is second to none. It was Prime Minister Jawahar Lal Nehru who first 
                  called for a test ban treaty in 1954. It is sometimes forgotten that India was 
                  originally a sponsor of the Non-Proliferation Treaty and the Test Ban Treaty, 
                  and Indian representatives took the initiative in various international forums, 
                  including the Conference on Disarmament, in the quest for universal, 
                  nondiscriminatory, and verifiable arrangements for the elimination of 
                  weapons of mass destruction. 

                  The reason India did not sign the Non-Proliferation Treaty and the Test Ban 
                  Treaty was because these treaties, as they finally emerged, were 
                  discriminatory between the nuclear ''haves'' and ''have-nots,'' a situation of 
                  virtual nuclear apartheid. 

                  India has always rejected the central feature of these flawed treaties: that the 
                  five declared nuclear powers could continue to possess nuclear weapons, 
                  expand and refine their arsenals, while others could not. 

                  Even so, India has always been clear that it would come on board the 
                  Comprehensive Test Ban Treaty provided it also included a commitment, 
                  including from the nuclear powers, to move toward nuclear disarmament 
                  inside a reasonable time frame. 

                  Indeed, such an intention was included in the Non-Proliferation Treaty but 
                  has been ignored by the nuclear powers. India demonstrated its nuclear 
                  capability in 1974. It exercised restraint for 24 years by not carrying out a 
                  single test. 

                  Instead of emulating this example, the world's nuclear stockpiles grew. 
                  Pakistan, India's western neighbor that has been involved in hostilities with 
                  India three times, became a clandestine nuclear state and also embarked on 
                  an active missile program, both with assistance from China. 

                  The Indian government's decision to conduct this limited series of tests 
                  should be viewed in the context of the deteriorating security environment in 
                  our region, particularly the growing cooperation between China and Pakistan 
                  on nuclear weapons and missile development, the continuing proliferation of 
                  nuclear weapons and delivery systems, and the lack of progress on global 
                  nuclear disarmament. 

                  As the Indian ambassador said in an interview, there was evidence that our 
                  neighbors viewed India's nuclear option, after 24 years of restraint, as being 
                  on artificial life support, an invitation to adventurism by those hostile to 
                  India's interests. These tests demonstrated that India's nuclear option 
                  remains robust and credible. They also provide our scientists with data for 
                  computer-simulated and other tests. India has not ''weaponized.'' It has 
                  demonstrated that it has the capability to do so. 

                  The Indian government has committed itself to exercising the most stringent 
                  control on the export of sensitive technologies and equipment. Further, 
                  India's nuclear program is purely indigenous and has never involved 
                  clandestine or irregular acquisition of technology or components from 
                  abroad. Our track record on this has been impeccable. 

                  All these facts are verifiable, as is the fact that India has been a democracy 
                  for the 50 years since its independence. The decision to conduct the tests is 
                  a reflection of an overwhelming national will to live within secure borders, 
                  and the government's desire to reassure its population on this score. It would 
                  be a mistake to dismiss the considered decision to test as a gimmick or a 
                  politically motivated action of the new government. Events have shown that 
                  this action has been fully supported by the people of India. 

                  Happily, not all commentators missed the mark, especially those whose 
                  knowledge of India is not superficial. Richard Haass of the Brookings 
                  Institution, an authority on South Asia, pointed out that ''what is at stake here 
                  are ties with a country with a billion people, a large and growing market and 
                  a robust democracy. Isolating India will not serve US economic or strategic 
                  interests; nor would it weaken a government that has taken a step applauded 
                  by most Indians who wonder why the world is prepared to live with China's 
                  nuclear arsenals but not India's.'' 

                  India remains committed to a total and global elimination of nuclear 
                  weapons, based on agreements that are nondiscriminatory, comprehensive, 
                  and universal. India's adherence to the Chemical Weapons Convention and 
                  Biological Weapons Convention is proof enough of its sincerity and 
                  commitment in this regard. India has also indicated its willingness to 
                  participate in the negotiations for the conclusion of a Fissile Material Cut-off 
                  Treaty in the Conference on Disarmament. 

                  But above all, despite any anticipated international outcry or sanctions, any 
                  government in India must put its national security interests above all other 
                  considerations. A secure India, with a population that is not apprehensive 
                  because of the weakness of India's defense, is a force for stability and peace 
                  in the region. 

                  In addition, since the tests, India has formally announced a moratorium on 
                  nuclear testing and said it would join talks toward a Comprehensive Test 
                  Ban Treaty. 

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