Remarks by External Affairs Minister of India Mr. Pranab Mukherjee at the Carnegie Endowment for International Peace on “Perspectives on India-US Relations”

Washington, DC 
March 24, 2008

Good Afternoon,

I would like to thank Jessica Mathews, President of the Carnegie Endowment for International Peace, for hosting this event and giving me an opportunity to share with you some thoughts on India’s foreign policy as well as India-US ties.

One of the unique characteristics of our foreign policy and national security outlook is that they are based on a broad national consensus. While there has always been debate and dissent on the best ways in which to achieve our foreign policy priorities, a national consensus once arrived at, transcends party politics and even changes of government. For example, the multiple opinions on the India-US nuclear initiative in India and outside disguise the fundamental common understanding that energy security for India is vital and that nuclear energy through national means as well as international collaboration is a vital part of it.

Like everybody else, India too needs to tackle the complexities of the modern world. On one hand, there are vital security issues such as combating terrorism and religious extremism, as well as the dangers of WMD proliferation. On the other hand, we have to address human problems such as climate change, HIV-AIDS, bird flu, etc. Whether we look at security related issues or matters affecting the long-term health of this planet, it is no longer possible for any nation to succeed without concerted international action. Such action can take the shape of groups of countries working together or even, when necessary, a global consensus. Going it alone is no longer an option for any country. Through our association with IBSA, BRIC, SAARC, the G-8 and ASEAN, and our contribution to the UN, we are building important partnerships to address common problems. We also believe it is time to reform the structure of the UN, particularly the Security Council, where a permanent seat for India will only reflect current global realities.

Globalization today provides opportunities to countries that are willing to draw benefits from it. But the process must also ensure that countries are enabled to draw those benefits. Paradoxically, the benefits that accrue to countries from a globalized economy also give them the strength to pursue their national priorities and independent foreign policies. As the case of India proves, globalization has not only linked our economy to the world; it has also strengthened our national decision-making autonomy.

The international discourse on the foreign policies of countries like India has often been defined by categories that are sometimes misleading or even irrelevant. For example, on matters of nuclear disarmament and non-proliferation, India is projected as having been outside the mainstream, whereas we have always been a leading member of the international consensus. In 1954, Prime Minister Nehru called for an end to all nuclear weapons testing. We are signatories to the Partial Test Ban Treaty, the Biological Weapons Convention and the Chemical Weapons Convention, and are ready to work with the international community to achieve a comprehensive and verifiable FMCT. We maintain a unilateral moratorium on nuclear explosive tests. While not being signatories to the NPT, we have unilaterally implemented controls on nuclear equipment, material and technology more effectively than perhaps any other state. Being from a neigbourhood that has the biggest sources and destinations of proliferation, we are particularly conscious of its dangers.

India’s primary concern today is maintaining the tempo of economic growth and bringing its benefits directly to its people. It is, therefore, natural that we should seek to defuse crises in our immediate neighbourhood and encourage greater economic and other kinds of connectivity in our region. Many of the countries in our region, including Afghanistan, Pakistan, Nepal, Bangladesh and Myanmar, are going through a difficult period of transition. It is in our national interest that these countries return to the path of democracy, stability and economic development so that the entire region can look forward to an era of prosperity.

India’s growing economic imprint is also connecting us more directly with West Asia and the Gulf on one hand, and the Asia Pacific region on the other. To that extent, we have a direct stake in and are ready to contribute to any effort to promote peace and security in these regions and protect the sea lanes of commerce and energy.

Between India and USA, as two great democracies, there will always be a fundamental underlying predictability in bilateral ties because this relationship answers to the interests of the people of both countries. The links between our two countries are multi-layered and take in the political leadership, business and industry, scientists, students and educators, military personnel and others. The balance-sheet just since 2005 includes important landmarks like the Open Skies Agreement, the launch of the Energy and Economic Dialogues, a new defence framework agreement, a knowledge initiative in agriculture, a new agreement on science and technology, and revitalized cooperation in space and defence industry as well as R&D.

Economic cooperation looks particularly promising. Whether it is meeting the need for better infrastructure or addressing energy deficiency, improving telecommunications, or modernizing the manufacturing sector, the opportunities for US business and industry in India are huge. India has become the fastest growing export destination for US products, having registered a growth rate of 75% last year. The US is one of the largest foreign direct investors in India, while US-bound investment from India has grown dramatically in recent years, particularly in 2007. India’s transparent economic policies, regulatory framework and judicial system are a source of reassurance to our foreign partners. I am confident that this economic synergy between India and United States is bound to continue in the coming years and decades.

Emblematic of this new relationship was the willingness of both countries to shed the baggage of the last 30 years to launch a new era of cooperation in civil nuclear power to address India’s burgeoning energy requirements. We intend to press ahead on all these and other initiatives. 

In the evolving geo-political and economic re-alignment in the world, we can visualize a situation in which Indian and US interests will increasingly intersect. With the shift in the center of gravity of the world economy towards Asia, the Indian Ocean has greater economic and strategic value than before. Existing and emerging threats in the form of piracy, drug trafficking, WMD proliferation, pollution, accidents, closure of choke points, regional conflicts and other disputes are of vital concern to us and to the US. All these challenges demand concerted action and I daresay that no two countries are better placed to exploit their inherent synergies in dealing with them than India and the United States.

I thank you for your attention and look forward to hearing your views.